![]() As the map below (Figure 1) shows, the period heralded by this law was the most productive in terms of verticalization, with a proliferation of tall buildings in central areas and on the sea front (86 towers over 150 metres in height were built between 20) (Perez 2014, p. 612). One of the effects of this law was the renovation of business districts, with small, dilapidated buildings replaced by major redevelopment projects. When the property bubble burst, the new Urban Renaissance Law, voted in 2002, sought to stimulate production of the urban fabric in central areas (Morishita 2006 Languillon-Aussel 2013). The result was the emergence of a skyline in accordance with the Western model of the global city (Appert and Montès 2015), but where the towers built were above all opportunistic and where the resulting landscape appears disordered. ![]() ![]() While the restricted size of plots in these districts makes it difficult to build towers, it was possible both in Marunouchi, where Mitsubishi Jisho dominates in terms of land ownership (Languillon-Aussel 2013), and in the Shinjuku neighbourhood, where urban wasteland was redeveloped. The financialization of the economy and the speculative bubble (1985–1991) affecting land and real-estate values (Aveline-Dubach op. cit.), combined with the Urban Renaissance Law of 1986, explicitly encouraged verticalization and led to the creation of the first verticalized business districts. The creation of verticalized skylines in large Japanese cities took place in two stages, according to two quite different approaches. From urban sprawl to the renaissance of city centres: the verticalization of central spaces in Tokyo The “verticalization” of city centres compensates this sprawl control. In 1968, the “New Urban-Planning Law” introduced urban-planning perimeters, which sought to restrict urbanization to spaces on the edges of existing urbanized areas. To this was added a system of exceptional arrangements relating to building heights (and, from 1963, land-use coefficients). In the 1950s, the 1919 Building Code was reformed in order to harmonize the nature and size of buildings by zone. The Japanese urban-planning code frequently makes use of zoning-based approaches. This late emergence of verticality represents a true turning point, and is due to the dual specificity of its implementation: first, indirectly, via a system of zoning based on land-use coefficients that seeks to restrict the height of buildings and second, operationally, via two series of liberal policies that gave rise to the tall buildings of the 1980s and 2000s. While the city’ first skyscraper (158 metres) was inaugurated in 1968, it was only from 1980 onwards that the number of tall buildings in Tokyo truly began to proliferate (Aveline-Dubach 2008). Series: The Resurgence of Towers in European Citiesįor a long time, Tokyo’s skyline has remained relatively low-rise, compared to American cities, with a maximum authorized height of 30.3 metres (100 shaku), which can be attributed to the construction techniques and earthquake-proofing standards of the early 20th century.
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